1867 Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the by Maurice Cowling

By Maurice Cowling

The passage of the Reform invoice of 1867 is among the significant difficulties in nineteenth-century British heritage. Mr Cowling offers a full-scale rationalization, in line with quite a lot of archive fabric, together with 4 significant manuscript collections now not formerly used. Mr Cowling will pay equivalent realization to the view taken by way of Parliament of the category constitution and to the pursuits and techniques of politicians in Parliament and outdoors. He units this precise ancient narrative in an analytical framework, the assumptions of which he discusses at size.

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Additional info for 1867 Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the Second Reform Bill

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Russell's view of Bright'sfirstwarning of the danger of physical force if a Reform bill were not passed was that, though it 'will produce sham terrors among the Tories.. it is in fact quite ridiculous. If Derby has not the support of the House of Commons, he will resign: if he has, the English people love the law... 2 This is not an isolated opinion: it can be matched with innumerable parallels. For every warning of the possibility of violence offered by Bright, a parallel expression may be found of the belief that the ' reform demonstrations.

But, though differences about immediate policy must not be disregarded, it is still the case that they, Carnarvon, Derby and Gladstone (if not Disraeli for reasons which will emerge later) were guided by the assumption, which all held with varying degrees of sincerity but held nevertheless, that the object of policy should be to maintain conditions in which class conflict was kept out of the House of Commons. In this, perhaps, they were deceiving themselves. Once they began to think in class terms, they were, almost necessarily, rationalizing their positions.

In this process, party necessities coincided with intellectual commitments. In the gap left by Newman's destruction of the national regeneration which Oxford Anglicanism had promised in his youth, in the political isolation in which he was left by the deaths of the most elevated 28 PRELUDE of his Peelite contemporaries and in the felt need to lead the Whig/Radical/dissenting alliance at large, Gladstone had come to see the parliamentary process itself as the agent of moral unity. Whereas the prospect of a revivified State-Church in the thirties had inspired the best men of his generation with a sense of the moral unity of the nation, this was a something he had ceased to think it possible that the Church of England should do.

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