By Sarwar A. Kashmeri
American overseas coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything quite amiss with the European-American courting that multilateralism won't repair. no longer precise, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is lifeless, can't be mounted, and needs to be renegotiated. It has no longer grown to house Europe's emergence as an enormous energy. a type of usa of Europe, with international priorities varied from these of the us, has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the US continues to be forging international coverage for Europe utilizing chilly battle realities; either Democrats and Republicans anticipate the eu Union to fall into step, and record for carrier as neededвЂ”under American leadership.
Europe, although, has different plans, and because it turns into extra strong at the global level, competing visions of eu management have emerged. The Iraq battle has introduced them into stark reduction. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq was once extra approximately French-British pageant for management of Europe than it used to be a few department among American objectives and ecu targets. He portrays British overseas coverage as out of contact with fact, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the U.S. end result of the Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American particular courting. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in accordance with a unique courting with the eu Union. This time table is galvanized via the techniques of the leaders who spoke to the writer particularly for this booklet, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British best minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley okay. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Extra info for America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
And then, in mid-January 2003, out of the blue and with the Iraqi war only weeks away, nine EU countries co-signed a letter, published in the Wall Street Journal and several European papers, in support of the American position on Iraq. Many of these countries had just joined the European Union—Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia—but there were also EU stalwarts such as Italy, Spain, Portugal, Denmark, and of course, the United Kingdom. To the East European countries what the French, especially, were trying to do was anathema to them, because they view the presence of the United States in Europe as their security blanket.
Who would pay to put all the pieces back together, as well as for the intended and unintended consequences that would surely follow, and are following? “We did not think that through very well, and those are also important lessons I hope we can learn,” he told me. 28 America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq Hagel is on particularly strong ground when he speaks about the costs of the Iraqi war for the United States, because he was one of few elected officials who personally tried to understand what the war would mean to America in terms of troops, money, and duration.
The letter also made a dent in the French-German argument that European foreign policy was being consciously developed “by Europe” to serve as a counterweight to America’s hegemony. Palacio insisted the stakes for Europe in this rift were even greater than they at first appeared to be. While concurring with my American interlocutors that the rift is not ultimately about Iraq, and agreeing that the French-British competition for the leadership of Europe was an important contributor to the rift, she homed in on what to her was a much more important issue for Europeans: the future shape of the European Union and how its security will be maintained.