By Aaron Graham
Corruption, get together, and govt in Britain, 1702-1713 offers an leading edge and unique reinterpretation of nation formation in eighteenth-century Britain, reconceptualising it as a political and essentially partisan approach. Focussing at the provide of cash to the military through the battle of the Spanish Succession (1702-13), it demonstrates that public officers confronted a number of incompatible calls for, yet that political partisanship helped to prioritise them, and to hammer out settlements that embodied a model of the nationwide curiosity. those judgements have been then transmitted to brokers in in another country via a mix of own incentives and partisan loyalties which equipped belief and grew to become those casual networks into tools of public coverage.
However, the method of establishing belief and providing cash laid officers and brokers open to accusations of embezzlement, fraud and monetary misappropriation. particularly, even if successive monetary officers ran entrepreneurial deepest monetary ventures that enabled the military in a foreign country to prevent harmful monetary shortfalls, they discovered it essential to disguise the prices and hazards by way of receiving unlawful 'gratifications' from the regiments. Reconstructing those transactions intimately, Corruption, occasion, and executive in Britain, 1702-1713 demonstrates that those corrupt funds complicated the general public provider, and hence that 'corruption' was once as a lot a dispute over ends as means.
Ultimately, this quantity demonstrates that nation formation in eighteenth-century Britain used to be a contested technique of curiosity aggregation, within which universal partisan goals helped to barter compromises among quite a few irreconcilable public priorities and personal pursuits, in the frameworks supplied via formal associations, after which collaboratively imposed via overlapping and intersecting networks of formal and casual brokers.
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Extra resources for Corruption, Party, and Government in Britain, 1702-1713
99 Hughes, Studies pp. 225–49; Mathias, Brewing pp. 331–8, 359–68; Hoon, Customs system, 1696–1786 pp. 48–9; Vivian E. Dietz, ‘The politics of whiskey: Scottish distillers, the Excise and the Pittite state’, Journal of British Studies, 36 (1997) pp. 35–69. For the excise crisis and cider tax, see Dickson, Financial revolution p. 204; Paul Langford, The excise crisis: society and politics in the age of Walpole (Oxford, 1975) pp. , ‘The cider tax, popular symbolism and opposition in mid-Hanoverian England’, in Adrian Randall and Andrew Charlesworth (eds), Markets, market culture and popular protest in eighteenth-century Britain and Ireland (Liverpool, 1996) pp.
After the Glorious Revolution removed James II in 1689, most Tories therefore faced a dilemma, and the party splintered to a certain extent into Jacobites, non-Jurors, and moderate Tories and Hanoverian Tories, who supported or opposed a Jacobite restoration to a greater or lesser extent. 114 Partisanship and political ideology saturated political pamphleteering and discourse, to the extent that, in Mark Knights’ words, ‘truth . . 116 Clashes in Parliament were 112 What follows is based mainly on Tim Harris, Revolution: the great crisis of the British monarchy 1685–1720 (London, 2006); J.
Ofﬁcials therefore necessarily had to be, on occasion, less than impartial and bureaucratic in their dealings. ’73 The line between corruption and 69 John Smail, ‘Credit, risk, and honor in eighteenth-century commerce’, Journal of British Studies, 44 (2005) p. 449; Craig Muldrew, The economy of obligation: the culture of credit and social relations in early modern England (Basingstoke, 1998) pp. 130–8, 148–56, 173–92. 70 Susan E. Whyman, Sociability and power in late-Stuart England: the cultural worlds of the Verneys 1660–1720 (Oxford, 1999) pp.